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Homes For People,
Not Portfolios

Trump’s housing directive targets bulk buyers — but the real impact hinges on definitions, supply, and migration to build-to-rent

Homes For People,
Not Portfolios

Trump’s housing directive
targets bulk buyers — but
the real impact hinges on
definitions, supply, and
migration to build-to-rent

By Seamus Nally, special to
National Mortgage Professional

“People live in homes, not corporations,” perfectly summed up the tone for President Donald Trump’s attention-grabbing Truth Social post on January 7. In a short, blunt message, President Trump took aim at large investors buying up single-family homes at scale, framing the practice as a threat to affordability for everyday Americans and to homeownership itself.

“For a very long time, buying and owning a home was considered the pinnacle of the American Dream. It was the reward for working hard and doing the right thing,” President Trump said. He followed that post by saying he would “ban large institutional investors from buying single-family homes,” but the executive order (EO) stopped short of that.

Rather than an outright ban, the White House issued an EO directing federal agencies to restrict government-linked advantages for large institutional buyers and shift priority toward individual homebuyers. It also sets up a path for Congress to codify the changes into law.

First, What Is An Institutional Investor?

Before exploring why President Trump wants to ban institutional investors, let’s clarify exactly who they are and their influence on the housing market.

Institutional investors are large organizations that invest in rental property using pooled capital from investors or shareholders. They operate at scale, deploy large-scale property management systems, securitize assets, and follow formal investment strategies. Individual buyers (the majority of single-family homeowners that Trump says he wants to protect) typically purchase homes to live in or manage rental properties on a far smaller scale.

Estimates place institutional single-family homeownership at around 3% nationwide. Not to mention, the average American landlord only owns 1.38 properties.

Estimates place institutional single-family homeownership at around 3% nationwide. Not to mention, the average American landlord only owns 1.38 properties.

Private equity firms, real estate investment trusts, and asset managers (all types of institutional investors) can purchase dozens or even hundreds of homes in a single transaction, often with cash, allowing them to outbid individual buyers regularly, move faster than traditional landlords, and push home prices higher to stave off competition. The fear is that these large corporations make it very difficult for first-time homebuyers to live the “American Dream” and purchase their first properties.

Notably, the EO acknowledges that before any policy can be enforced, the federal government needs to define who counts as a “large institutional investor.” That definitional step matters because it will determine whether the policy applies to a handful of mega-investors, a broader set of financial buyers, or even smaller LLC aggregators. It also determines how easily investors can route around the rules.

Blackstone, one of the most widely known institutional investors, built one of the largest single-family rental portfolios in the country in the years following the 2008 housing crash. From 2012 to 2016, the firm strategically acquired 50,000 single-family homes across several fast-growing metro areas, thereby concentrating ownership and blindsiding mom-and-pop landlords looking to expand their portfolios.

But despite their formidable buying power, institutional investors still hold only a minority share of the overall single-family housing stock. Estimates place institutional single-family homeownership at around 3% nationwide. Not to mention, the average American landlord only owns 1.38 properties. But while these figures may seem insignificant to some, they don’t accurately reflect the heavy concentration of institutional investors in some areas of the country.

Considering high interest rates, low inventory, and rising construction costs, buying a home feels out of reach for the average American. And with the midterm elections around the corner, ignoring affordability could sway voters.

Considering high interest rates, low inventory, and rising construction costs, buying a home feels out of reach for the average American. And with the midterm elections around the corner, ignoring affordability could sway voters.

For example, in some Sun Belt metros and suburban neighborhoods, institutional investors account for a large share of single-family rental homes, with these “mega investors” owning about 27% in the Atlanta metro area, 22% in Jacksonville, and 20% in Charlotte. In markets like these, that level of concentration gives large investors meaningful influence over pricing, availability, and competition, often leaving individual buyers with far fewer options.

Trump’s Motivations For Proposing This Ban

Whether President Trump’s ban on institutional investors ever comes to fruition remains to be seen, but he proposed it publicly for a few obvious reasons. Firstly, declarations like this snatch attention and frame the president as an active participant trying to fix the affordability problem. Not to mention, by targeting institutional investors, President Trump shifts the conversation and simplifies America’s multi-faceted housing market woes in one fell swoop.

Considering high interest rates, low inventory, and rising construction costs, buying a home feels out of reach for the average American. And with the midterm elections around the corner, ignoring affordability could sway voters. President Trump’s proposal also serves a media and positioning purpose. A bold statement like he made guarantees coverage across a wide range of political and financial outlets. By forcing this conversation, he dominates the narrative, forces opponents to respond, and drums up engagement among voters.

Possible Effects Of Banning Institutional Investors

Despite President Trump’s early rhetoric framing this as a “ban,” the EO doesn’t prohibit institutional investors from buying homes. Instead, it directs federal agencies to stop facilitating or financing bulk acquisitions of single-family homes by large financial firms and to prioritize sales to individual owner-occupants.

According to the executive order, HUD, USDA, VA, GSA, and FHFA must issue guidance within 60 days to prevent federal programs from:

  • Insuring, guaranteeing, securitizing, or approving acquisitions of single-family homes by large institutional investors, and
  • Disposing of federal assets in ways that transfer homes to those same investors

Meanwhile, agencies will be pressured to promote sales to individual buyers through first-look policies, disclosure rules, and anti-circumvention provisions.

Individual Buyers Will Face Reduced Competition

Even though institutional investors make up a relatively small share of single-family homeowners nationwide, their impact on the housing market, especially in regional areas, is profound. Removing mega-investors from the buying pool would give individual purchasers and small landlords a better chance to compete. Fewer cash offers and bulk deals would inevitably level the playing field, especially for cash-strapped first-time buyers.

With reduced competition, the broader real estate market would likely slow down and rebalance. Homes could sit on the market longer, bidding wars might ease, and sellers would be forced to take price-sensitive buyers more seriously. In some markets, a lack of institutional investors could reduce prices, while in others it would lower volatility.

Home Prices Could Drop In Some Real Estate Markets

Specific markets have a noticeably higher share of institutional investor activity, which means fewer homes for local buyers and more upward pressure on prices. For example, in rental markets like Phoenix, AZ, where mega-investors own about 15% of single-family homes, removing institutional competition could soften bidding pressure and allow prices to drift back down to earth.

Removing mega-investors from the buying pool would give individual purchasers and small landlords a better chance to compete. Fewer cash offers and bulk deals would inevitably level the playing field, especially for cash-strapped first-time buyers.

Removing mega-investors from the buying pool would give individual purchasers and small landlords a better chance to compete. Fewer cash offers and bulk deals would inevitably level the playing field, especially for cash-strapped first-time buyers.

But this scenario doesn’t mean prices would drop in all markets. Many areas have little institutional investor presence, so a restriction or ban would barely register as a blip on the radar. Local supply constraints, construction costs, property tax laws, and job growth patterns will continue to be the dominant forces shaping real estate prices. In those markets, affordability would remain tied to fundamentals rather than institutional investor activity (or lack thereof).

Build-To-Rent Construction Could Become The Safe Harbor For Institutional Investors

Build-to-rent (BTR) construction may not slow down under the EO. In fact, it was explicitly carved out as a narrowly tailored exception. While BTR has been designed primarily for institutional buyers and currently accounts for roughly eight to nine percent of new single-family home construction, the administration appears to view BTR as contributing to new supply, rather than diverting existing stock away from would-be homeowners.

BTR could end up absorbing institutional demand that would otherwise target existing stock. That may keep builders active in certain Sun Belt markets while others shift toward multifamily or pause projects depending on interest rates, absorption, and financing conditions. Whether individual homebuyers ultimately benefit depends on how much institutional demand truly migrates toward supply creation rather than supply competition.

Build-to-rent (BTR) construction may not slow down under the EO. In fact, it was explicitly carved out as a narrowly tailored exception … The administration appears to view BTR as contributing to new supply, rather than diverting existing stock away from would-be homeowners.

Build-to-rent (BTR) construction may not slow down under the EO. In fact, it was explicitly carved out as a narrowly tailored exception … The administration appears to view BTR as contributing to new supply, rather than diverting existing stock away from would-be homeowners.

Will This Ever Become A Full Ban?

The EO makes one thing clear: President Trump wants Congress to take the next step. A legislated ban would be a powerful campaign asset heading into the 2026 midterms. It’s easy to message, easy to poll, and plays directly to the frustration of first-time buyers who feel squeezed out of the market.

But the politics and the math aren’t that simple. Institutional investors touch retirement funds, insurance capital, securitization markets, and regional development. Drawing the boundary around “who counts as a large institutional investor” will determine who fights and how hard. And there’s still the basic issue of supply: removing institutional buyers in a market without enough homes doesn’t guarantee affordability, it simply reshuffles who wins bidding wars.

So, the more probable outcome is that the EO becomes the policy itself, without a fully legislated ban. Trump still gets the narrative win: he took on Wall Street and stood up for first-time buyers. Meanwhile, institutional investors won’t disappear, they’ll just migrate to BTR, multifamily, and other segments where they can operate without competing with families.

This article originally appeared in National Mortgage Professional, on the week of March 29, 2026.
About the author
Seamus Nally, CEO of TurboTenant
Published on
Mar 26, 2026
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